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Argument 6 of 20 · Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim

Three Options for Non-Muslims in War: Convert, Jizya, Sword

Muslim 4390 — Narrated Sulayman ibn Buraydah on the authority of his father: "When the Messenger of Allah appointed anyone as leader of an army or detachment he would especially exhort him to fear Allah and to be good to the Muslims who were with him. He would say: 'Fight in the name of Allah and in the way of Allah. Fight against those who disbelieve in Allah. Make a holy war... When you meet your enemies who are polytheists, invite them to three courses of action. If they respond to any one of these, you also accept it and withhold yourself from doing them any harm. Invite them to (accept) Islam; if they respond to you, accept it from them and desist from fighting against them... If they refuse to accept Islam, demand from them the jizya. If they agree to pay, accept it from them and hold off your hands. If they refuse to pay the tax, seek Allah's help and fight them...'" The hadith continues with detailed instructions on terms of surrender, treatment of women and children, and other rules of engagement.

Muslim 4390 is the canonical statement of the classical Islamic doctrine of jihad's three options. When Muslim forces encounter non-Muslims, they must offer in sequence:

1. Conversion to Islam — accept the shahada, become a Muslim, fighting ceases. 2. Jizya — non-Muslim People of the Book may pay the jizya tax and live under dhimmi status. (Note: this option is not available to polytheists in classical Sunni reading; for them, conversion is the only alternative to fighting.) 3. Combat — if the previous two are refused, fighting commences.

The hadith is sahih in Muslim and parallels appear in Abu Dawud, Tirmidhi, Ibn Majah, and Ahmad. The three-option framework is preserved consistently across narrators.

The hadith is the operational complement to the more declarative Muslim 33 ('I have been commanded to fight people until they convert'). Muslim 33 establishes the goal; Muslim 4390 establishes the procedure. Together they form the classical jihad framework.

The theological and ethical analysis:

1. The sequence is structured for conquest. The three options are presented as a sequence the conquering force offers to the targeted population. The first option (conversion) is preferred. The second (jizya) is acceptable for People of the Book. The third (combat) follows refusal of the first two. This is the structure of an offensive military doctrine, not a defensive one.

2. The role of polytheists. For polytheists (mushrikun), classical fiqh in most schools held that only conversion was acceptable — jizya was not offered. This is a more severe framework: convert or die. Hanafis sometimes extended jizya to non-Arab polytheists, but the principal Sunni schools restricted jizya to Ahl al-Kitab (People of the Book — primarily Jews and Christians, with later jurisprudential extension to Zoroastrians).

3. The implementation of dhimmi status. The 'jizya' option, while less harsh than the sword, established second-class legal status. Dhimmis paid the special tax in humiliation (per Q 9:29), wore distinguishing clothing, faced restrictions on building, riding, weapons, court testimony, and religious display. The 'option' was conditional toleration, not religious equality.

4. Historical application. The Rashidun, Umayyad, Abbasid, and Ottoman Caliphates conquered territory under this framework. Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians in conquered lands faced the three-option choice. The choice produced gradual conversion of large populations (often under economic and social pressure of dhimmi status), enduring minorities under permanent restrictions, and occasional violent persecutions when the dhimma compromised.

5. Modern application. ISIS, in Syria and Iraq (2014-2017), explicitly applied the three-option framework to Christian and Yazidi populations. Christians were given the choice to convert, pay jizya, or face death — many fled, some converted, some were killed. ISIS's application was a direct reading of Muslim 4390.

6. The 'invite them' language. Muhammad's instruction is that the conquering force first 'invites' the targeted population. This 'invitation' (daʿwa) language is the basis for understanding Islamic missionary efforts as connected to military conquest in classical practice. The invitation is not optional outreach; it is the precondition for the threat that follows.

7. Comparison with modern just-war theory. Modern just-war doctrine requires that warfare have just cause (response to aggression), legitimate authority, proportional means, and reasonable prospects of success. None of these requires that the targets accept the religion of the attackers as the alternative to combat. The three-option framework violates the fundamental modern principle that religious belief should not be coerced by military force.

  1. P1. Muslim 4390 (and parallels) records Muhammad instructing his commanders to offer three options to non-Muslim forces: conversion, jizya, or combat.
  2. P2. The hadith is sahih in Muslim, Abu Dawud, Tirmidhi, Ibn Majah, and Ahmad — cross-collection consistency is high.
  3. P3. The framework is offensive: it applies when Muslim forces encounter non-Muslims, not when non-Muslims attack Muslims.
  4. P4. For polytheists, jizya was generally not offered — only conversion or combat. For People of the Book, jizya was an option but with structural humiliation (Q 9:29).
  5. P5. Classical Caliphates (Rashidun through Ottoman) explicitly applied this framework in their conquests, producing gradual conversion of large populations under coercive structural pressure.
  6. P6. Modern jihadist groups (ISIS) cite this hadith as foundational warrant for their treatment of religious minorities.
  7. P7. A morally serious framework does not present religious belief as one option in a survival negotiation.

Muslim 4390 is the operational manual for Islamic conquest. The three-option framework — convert, pay jizya in humiliation, or fight — established the structure under which the Caliphates expanded across the Mediterranean, the Persian world, North Africa, and parts of Europe. Religious minorities under Muslim rule had no third path of equal citizenship; their options were submission to Islam or submission to second-class status. Modern Muslim apologetics that frames the hadith as 'defensive only' or 'humanitarian compared to alternatives' cannot defeat the textual structure: the hadith is unambiguously offensive, the choice is between conversion and inferiority, and the historical implementation matched the textual blueprint.

Common Muslim response · 1

The three-option framework was a humanitarian advance over pre-Islamic warfare, which routinely killed all enemies — Islam offered ways out.

Counter-response

Comparing to the worst available alternative does not validate a system. Other ancient societies (the Roman Empire under various emperors, the Sassanian Persians) had developed more sophisticated frameworks for incorporating conquered populations without religious coercion. The 'Islamic humanitarian advance' framing is selective. And the relevant comparison is not 'pre-Islamic Arab warfare' but 'morally defensible warfare' — a standard the three-option framework fails.

Common Muslim response · 2

Jizya was a fair tax that allowed religious freedom — non-Muslims kept their religion in exchange for paying for state protection.

Counter-response

Jizya was paid 'in humiliation' (Q 9:29), with structural restrictions: distinctive clothing, restrictions on riding and building, no court testimony against Muslims, no weapons, etc. This is conditional toleration with structural inferiority, not 'religious freedom.' The Pact of Umar codified the restrictions. And the dhimmi system was sometimes accompanied by violent persecutions (Almohads, Granada 1066, Damascus 1840) when conditions deteriorated. 'Religious freedom' is the wrong descriptor.

Common Muslim response · 3

The three-option framework was applied only when Muslims were attacked or had legitimate grievance — it was not aggressive expansion.

Counter-response

The Rashidun conquests (632-661 CE) extended Islamic rule from Arabia to the Persian frontier and across North Africa. These were not defensive operations; they were military conquests of territories that had not attacked the Muslims. The framework was used precisely for offensive expansion. Calling it 'defensive' contradicts the historical record of the Caliphates that applied it.

Common Muslim response · 4

Modern Muslim states do not apply the three-option framework — Islam evolves with circumstances.

Counter-response

Saudi Arabia, until recent decades, did not permit non-Muslim places of worship and effectively excluded non-Muslims from public religious life. Iran's treatment of the Bahaʾi community follows a quasi-dhimmi framework with persecution. ISIS reapplied the framework explicitly. The 'modern non-application' is a political compromise driven by external constraints, not a textual revision. Where political conditions permit, the framework reactivates.

Common Muslim response · 5

The polytheists (mushrikun) targeted by the framework were specific Arabian tribes who had broken treaties — not all non-monotheists globally.

Counter-response

The classical jurisprudence universalised the framework. The Hanafi school extended jizya to most non-Muslims (including Hindus in the subcontinent); the Maliki and Shafiʿi schools applied conversion-only or jizya frameworks across non-Muslim populations. The 'specific Arabian polytheists' reading is a 20th-century apologetic. Historical Islam expanded, did not limit, the application of this hadith.